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Most recent 56 results returned for keyword: 浜口 (Search this on MAP)

浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1899 years ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi また故郷を大きめの地震が襲う… …浜口！邪魔！ Tags: square   squareformat   hefe   iphoneography   instagramapp   uploaded:by=instagram    Recent Updated: 3 months ago - Created by ozzy3635 - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - ozzy3635 工事中なので迂闊に中には入れませんでした……(^_^;) Tags: loctouch    @ 芦浦街道常夜燈(萱野神社浜口御旅所) tou.ch/spot/1342881/ (posted via flicktouch) Recent Updated: 3 months ago - Created by 810d8d3388203c4f3fd4123775766a46 - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - 810d8d3388203c4f3fd4123775766a46 新規作成。街道とは思えない細い路地が続きます Tags: loctouch    @ 芦浦道常夜燈(萱野神社浜口御旅所) tou.ch/spot/1342881/ (posted via flicktouch) Recent Updated: 4 months ago - Created by 810d8d3388203c4f3fd4123775766a46 - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - 810d8d3388203c4f3fd4123775766a46 Noh, Kyari and Mario playing Call of Duty: Can you see your back? Tags: 日本文化   japaneseculturenihonbunka    Zeami's Mirror Held to the Flower (1492), remains, six hundred years later, a classic must-read for students of noh drama and the Japanese arts. In it, Zeami explains how noh practitioners must, through the rigorous practice of kata (precisely choreographed dance forms) learn to see themselves with spiritual eyes. The following section is so important that I am quoting it in its entirety, from the translation by J. Thomas Rimer and Yamazaki Masakazu (the original is on order) As concerns the dance, it is say that "the eyes look ahead and the spirit looks behind." This expression means that the actor looks in front of him with this physical eyes, but his inner concentration must be directed to the appearance of his movements from behind [think Super Mario, rather than Call of Duty (Masuda, 2010)]. This is a crucial element in the creation of what I have referred to above as the movement beyond consciousness. The appearance of the actor, seen from the spectator in the seating area, produces a different image than the actor can have of himself. What the spectators sees is the outer image of the actor. What an actor sees, on the other hand, forms his own internal image of himself. He must make still another effort in order to grasp his own internalized outer image, a step possible only through assiduous training [Kyari's dance routines may look easy but she too has done assiduous training.] Once he obtains this, the actor and the spectator can share the same image. Only then can it actually be said that an actor has truly grasped the nature his appearance. For an actor to grasp his true appearance implies that he has under his control the space to the left and to the right of him, and to the front and to the rear of him. In many cases, however, an average actor looks only to the front and to the side, and so never sees what he actually looks like from behind. If the actor can not somehow come to a sense of how he looks from behind, he will not be able to become conscious of any possible vulgarities in his performance. Therefore, an actor must look at himself using his internalised outer image, come to share the same view as the audience, examine his appearance with his spiritual eyes (see image above), and so maintain a graceful appearance with his entire body. Such an action truly represents "the eyes of the spirit looking behind." (p. 81) Beautiful stuff! The genius, but more pedestrian, George Herbert Mead (1967), lacking the information that we now have regarding mirror neurons, claims that what Zeami proposes above is impossible (the below quoted from "Mind, Self and Society": It is only the actor who uses bodily expressions as a means of looking as he wants others to feel. He gets a response which reveals to him how he looks by continually using a mirror. He registers anger, he registers love, he registers this that or the other attitude and he examines himself in a glass to see how he does so. (Mead, 1967, pp. 66-67) and hence Mead argues that the creation of the self, can only be done in language. "If we exclude vocal gestures, it is only by the use of the mirror that one could reach the position where he responds to his own gestures as other people respond." (Mead, 1967, p. 66) "What is peculiar to the latter is that the individual responds to his own stimulus in the same way as the other person responds." p67 "It is only the vocal gesture that is fitted for this fort of communication, because it is only the vocal gesture to which one responds or tends to respond as another person tends to respond to it." p67 "The critical importance of language in the development of human experience lies in this fact, that the stimulus is one that can react upon the speaking individual as it reacts upon the other. " p69 Mead did not know that there are those who have a mirror in their heads (Heine et al. 2008), who are spacemen (間人, Nishida⇒Watsuji; see Hamaguchi, 1982), "res extensa." Image top A Necessary Man by raichovak, on Flickr Image centre, Kyari Pamyu Pamyu singing Pon Pon Pon copyright Kyari Pamyu Pamyu (きゃりーぱみゅぱみゅ) the director Jun Tajima, Masuda Sebastianone, and Warner Music Japan. Image bottom, Mario playing Call of Duty (see Masuda, 2010) Hamaguchi 浜口恵俊. (1982). 間人主義の社会日本. 東洋経済新報社. Masuda 増田貴彦. (2010). ボスだけを見る欧米人 みんなの顔まで見る日本人. 講談社. Mead, G. H. (1967). Mind, self, and society: From the standpoint of a social behaviorist (Vol. 1). The University of Chicago Press. Zeami. (1984). On the art of the nō drama: the major treatises of Zeami ; translated by J. Thomas Rimer, Yamazaki Masakazu. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. Recent Updated: 5 months ago - Created by timtak - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - timtak [KANSAI2012] Park 住吉公園 大阪府大阪市住之江区浜口東 Recent Updated: 5 months ago - Created by mcdyessjin (Yu-Jen Shih) - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mcdyessjin (Yu-Jen Shih) 2012/8/9 22:00~23:00 qwerty Tags: 2200~2300    22~23時の＠上海　 戦争：15, ssd：14, 川崎：11, イスラム人：10, レスリング：10, ポスター：10, プログラム出場選手：9, 日本時間種目：9, hdd：8, alsok：7, 浜口京子：7 Recent Updated: 9 months ago - Created by sw_words - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - sw_words 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi 浜口町長崎西洋館〜蛍茶屋 Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by mikkagashi - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - mikkagashi Space and Time: Heidegger, Derrida, Nishida and the Tardis When I was young I was a fan of Dr. Who, a BBC children's' program about a man who could travel through time. The Doctor (played by a variety of actors) was a "Time Lord," someone who could travel through time, using a Tardis (time machine), pictured above. Like many young British children, and as fans often do, I wanted to be Dr. Who. I wanted to travel through time. And at the same time, I had a notion that I did and do (quick time travel there) travel through time, that my identity was (is!) temporal. I kidded myself, that I was a "Tim(e) Lord!" I was concerned about the identity of myself across time. Am I the same person today as I was yesterday or a moment ago? Am I the same person across time? Can I wait and still be myself? If I were Japanese, could I also have been concerned about questions such as am I the same person here as I am in my living room? Am I the same person across space? Can I turn and spin to see myself? Lately thinking about the Japanese, and their concept of tourism, I am reminded of time and space. Nishida (1987) and all the best Japanese philosophers and Japanologists (Watsuji, 1979; Hamaguchi, 1982; Nakane, 1972; Bachnik, 1998; Pilgrim 1986; Kimura, 1972) have a tendency to equate human being, or Japanese conceptions of human, or of Japanese society, with space. Nishida even said that humans are,"beings as space" (Dilworth, 1970). In an attempt to describe (Japanese) people Hamaguchi (1982) used the ideograms for human backwards (間人) to create a neologism which transliterates as "spacemen." The official translation of Hamaguchi's term is, however, "relatum" (Hamaguchi, 1997). This gives gives the theory a very conceptual air, and for a long time I attempted to understand such theories in a theoretical way, as "interdependent selves" (Markus and Kitayama, 1991), for instance. Notwithstanding my aforementioned "Dr. Who-y" feeling that I exist in time, I have of late come to appreciate Nishida's assertion from a more phenomenological perspective. Put more simply, I may perhaps have become aware of what it feels like to be a "relatum" or 'spaceman,' I kid you not. In a Japanese version of the cogito, Nishida argues that space, or place, is primordial, that the ultimate indubitable is not that "I am," but that there is a space of pure experience. Would-be-philosophical waffle. If I meditate on my existence, I can, like Descartes, think that all the things in this spacey stuff, "res-extensa," are just a dream. But hold on, the words that form my 'I think therefore I am' take place, have a place, in the space of consciousness. I can doubt my words (they may be meaningless) but there is a place, a field, a "pure experience" in which the words take place. This goldfish bowl, my consciousness, this sound box, the place where the 'dubitable' 'res-extensa' occur, is itself indubitable. I may not know that "I" exist. Something exists, I do know that something is going on somewhere, that there is an experience. It seems to me fairer to say that place pre-dates, is more "primordial" than time. Derrida (1998) says that the phoneme that we Westerners are so keen on, or the cogito that we westerners hold most dear, occurs in time. The phonetic medium, where my thoughts about my existence unfold, is a 'deferred,' temporal one. Derrida says, I think, that any sign must be itterable, repeatable and this again requires time. If we stop our words and all symbolic activity, and just observe, then as soon as one wants to get away from its pure chaotic becoming nature, one needs to combat Heraclitus' river (which can be crossed only once) and demand that 'it', whatever being is, repeats or persists in time. Pure experience is and is not. Phenomenologically, the space of our experience is essential. But pure phenomenon are so fleeting as to not-exist. Nishida was okay with that. His primordial space was space only, and nothing-ness. As soon as one want to point, say, assert, that something exists one needs time, repetition, to assert that anything might be. Heidegger asked what the meaning of being was and asserted that it is time (note 1). Without time one can not have any being. Nishida asserts that without place space, there is nowhere for being to be. End of waffle Returning to Japanology, it was Watsuji's frustration with Heidiggers emphasis on time, that encouraged him to write his opus on Japanese culture (Fudoron, "Climate and Culture") based upon Nishida's philosophy of space (Mochizuki, 2006, p45-46: recommended & linked below). Indeed, as mentioned above, there are lots of academics asserting the importance of place in Japan. The climate, the seasons, the "air," "time place and occasion," Uchi and Soto, outside and in. I agree with them. There is something spatial about the organisation, and representations of Japanese society. Admittedly similar things could also be said that in English too we say "we are close to someone," or that "He is distant," we have an "inner circle" and call others "outsiders," we have "backstage experiences" and we "put on a front." So is the Japan-Anglophone distinction naff? I don't think so. In a recent post I wrote about attributional and locational self definitions. It seems clear to me that Japanese are always using locational self-definitions: locational membership of a house (ie) being perhaps the most basic (Nakane, 1972). I think that the "attributional" self-definitions of Westerners are often teleological, that is to say concerned with our goals and objectives in time. If I say that I am a of a certain village or say where my company is I am speak locationally, geographically. But if I say I am a teacher, or window maker, or accountant I am speaking about my objectives in time. The Japanese do not concern themselves with teleological objectives, or define their goals, nearly so much. Japanese go on about spaces, about their insides and outsides. Westerners go on about time, about their end points and their start points. If a Japanese anthropologist came to the UK she would write about how these strange Britons bring time even into their discussion of social relations, classifying others as "old friends" and forming social bonds based upon shared "goals and objectives." Note 1 from Johnson, 2000: "Heidegger concludes that temporality is the condition for the possibility that things will be meaningful to human beings (ie the meaning of being is time) (Heidegger, 1927/ 1962, p. 38)" Bibliography created with Zotero Bachnik, J. M. (1998). Time, space and person in Japanese relationships. Interpreting Japanese Society. Anthropological Approaches. London: Routledge, 91–116. Derrida, J. (1998). Of grammatology. JHU Press. Dilworth, D. A. (1970). Nishida’s Final Essay: the Logic of Place and a Religious World-View. Philosophy East and West, 20(4), 355–. Retrieved from html://ccbs.ntu.edu.tw/FULLTEXT/JR-PHIL/ew27020.htm Hamaguchi, E. 浜口恵俊. (1982). 間人主義の社会日本. 東洋経済新報社. Hamaguchi, E. (1997). A methodological Basis for Japanese Studies: With Regard to ‘Relatum’ as its foundation. Japan Review, 9, 41–63. Retrieved from 202.231.40.34/jpub/pdf/jr/IJ0903.pdf Johnson, M. E. (2000). Heidegger and meaning: Implications for phenomenological research. Nursing Philosophy, 1(2), 134–146. Kimura, B. 木村敏. (1972). 人と人との間―精神病理学的日本論. 弘文堂. Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review; Psychological Review, 98(2), 224. Retrieved from www.iacmr.org/v2/Conferences/WS2011/Submission_XM/Partici... Mochizuki, T. (2006). Climate and Ethics: Ethical Implications of Watsuji Tetsuro’s Concepts:‘ Climate’ and‘ Climaticity’. Philosophia Osaka, 1, 43–55. Retrieved from ir.library.osaka-u.ac.jp/metadb/up/LIBPHILOO/po_01_043.pdf Nakane, C. (1972). Japanese Society (1st pb ed.). University of California Press. Nishida, K. 西田幾多郎, & 上田閑照. (1987). 場所. 西田幾多郎哲学論集〈1〉場所・私と汝 他六篇. 岩波書店. Pilgrim, R. B. (1986). Intervals (‘ Ma’) in Space and Time: Foundations for a Religio-Aesthetic Paradigm in Japan. History of Religions, 25(3), 255–277. Watsuji, T. 和辻哲郎. (1979). 風土―人間学的考察. 岩波書店. Recent Updated: 1 year ago - Created by timtak - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - timtak Culture, Tourism and the Self: Travels in name and space Tags: tourism   japan   self   japanese   culture   nihonbunka   culturalpsychology    Yuji Nakanishi, professor of Tourism at Rikkyou University, points out that “Japanese tend to associate tourism with historical landmarks, but foreigners are interested in people’s lives and their lifestyles,” he said. “Places like the fish market were never really considered a tourist site until quite recently, so both sides are really confused (Tanikawa, 2009).” "A shop owner told me in an interview: ‘Tourists from China and Japan: here in the morning full of them, but they arrive, five minutes, and run away; they have their own schedule, take a picture and hurry; they don’t stay longer; they have ten minutes to see the church, twenty to see the museum, ten to go in another place.’ These tourists are seemingly not interested in cultural heritage but in collecting the icons of that culture." (Parmeggiani et al., 2010, p110) Japanese tourists do different things. How should we make sense of them? Summary Japanese travel to places for symbols where they themselves provide the sights from the imagination or bodily via auto-photography, whereas Western tourists go places for sights which they interpret and narrate in their thoughts and words. The purpose in each case, of going all that way to experience otherness, is to return to an experience of self undiluted by other. A few days ago in the village near our beach house, a rainy day, a group of Japanese tourists went from community centre to Buddhist temple, to road side shrine, collecting stamps as part of one of those uniquely Japanese "stamp rallies." No one came to the beach in front of our house. The panoramic view of inland sea, with gulls and fishing boats and its setting sun was of no interest to them. Likewise, this jaded old Westerner can not think of a more boring, more pointless tourism experience than a traipsing around a grey landscape collecting the blotchy red imprints left by a set of rubber stamps. As Urry (2002) famously argues, Western tourism is about going to see something. This form of tourism has a very long tradition. The picture above left is from a stained glass window in Canterbury Cathedral, England (Wells, 2002, p127, Crown Copyright NMR), the destination of Medieval Christian pilgrimage. Wells, and more famously the anthropologist Victor Turner (Turner & Turner, 1995) have argued that there is a visual bias to Christian pilgrimage, or that the destination of Christian pilgrimage is a located image, such as stained glass, a sacred image or icon. That the Japanese word for tourism, Kankou is often glossed as "seeing the sights" persuades us that Japanese tourist too are interested in going to see. In fact the would "Kankou" originates n the Tao-Te-Ching which argues that rulers should travel to other countries so as to gain information on how better to rule their own. The passage which introduces the word "kankou" is a recommendation not to travellers but to hosts to " indicate (shiimesu) the （high）lights of your country." Even on a literal reading, "Kankou" (Japanese tourism) is about going to places where things are explained (note 0). The stamp rally has its origins in the proof of visitation required of Japanese pilgrims during the Tokugawa period (Graburn, 1983; Reader, 2005), but before that Japanese accumulated pieces of paper stamped with sacred symbols for more than one thousand years. The religious act of Shinto, far more than prayer, is a form of pilgrimage, shrine-visiting, mairi or moude, a movement of the worshipper. And at the shrine, before amulets and sacred stamped pieces of card were distributed symbols: first branches of trees and stones, later stamped pieces of paper. The destinations provided the names. The destinations were the named places, the "meisho". But did Japanese pilgrimage destinations provide the sights? Not only in the stamp rally but in many forms of Japanese tourism is the sight strangely eschewed. I can remember my disappointment when taken to the the ancient seat of regional government at Dazaifu to find only an empty field. Japanese tourists visit castle towns, such as the most famous, Hagi, where there is NO CASTLE TO BE SEEN! They visit ruins ('of identity' see Hudson, 1999; Plutschow, 1981) such as that visited by Matsuo Basho, where there is NOTHING to be SEEN at all. Hudson, citing Plutschow (1981, p22) argues that, "Basho' choice of ato (ruin) was itself derived from the medieval Japanese tradition of travel diaries, wherein the significance of a place was determined by its history - its location in time, rather than by geography." Traditionally shrines, the destination Japanese par excellence contained a prototypical meibutsu, the God-body (goshintai) of the shrine that might be a mirror, sword, jewel, or sacred stone but it was *forbidden to see this item*. The goshintai was situated symbolically . It was wrapped up in layer upon layer of cloth, box, inner shrine, out shrine and shrine walls (Hendry, 1995; Pilgrim, 1986; Bachnik & Quinn, 1994) partly to ensure that it was never seen at all. Shrines have the structure of an onion. The visitor may never become aware that there is anything at their centre, other than the fact that the visitor knows that something is there, symbolically. After all, shrines are the prototypical, great and famous, named place (meisho). According to an informant, a Japanese tour guide, the vast majority of Japanese tourists visiting Ise Shrine today, visit the woods around the shrine, see at most its outer walls, and the souvenir shop, and the car park. Japanese tourists have thronged to Ise for centuries (especially inspired by stories of sacred symbols falling from the sky (fudaori), but without special appointment they do not see the shrine itself, much less the holy of hollies, the mirror of the sun goddess, the goshintai, prototypical named-thing (meibutsu) at its centre. Even those that do have special dispensation to enter the outer walls of Ise Shrine will be faced with that which Guichard-Anguis (2007) describes as the biggest difference between pilgrimage to Ise compared with that in Europe; the shrine building itself will have been rebuilt within the last twenty years. Even though Japanese are noted for their fondness of historical attractions, not only do they go to visit empty sites or 'ruins', the Japanese rebuild even the old sites and buildings anew. This is not just in the case of Ise Shrine but also in the case of Japanese homes, and Castles such as Osaka castle, as bewailed by XYZ. The fact that sights are not so important as named significance may also explain the lack of attention to the maintenance of visual "authenticity," even in places such as Tokyo. Tomomitsu-Tomasson (2005) a research student in sociology, expresses her disappointment at arriving in Kyoto with a quote from Kerr's damning portrait of the dark side of Japan (2002). “How must Kyoto appear to one who has never visited here? Passersby clad in kimono going to and fro along quiet narrow streets between temples, rows of houses with black wooden lattices, glimpsed over tiled roofs the mountains covered with cherry blossoms, streams trickling at one’s feet….the traveler’s expectations must be high – until the moment when he alights from the Bullet train. He leaves the station, catches his first sight of Kyoto Tower, and from there on it is all shattered dreams. Kyoto Hotel cuts off the view of the Higashiyama hills, and big signs on cheap clothing stores hide Mount Daimonji.Red; vending machines are lined up in front of the temples. It’s the same miserable scenery you see everywhere in Japan, and the same people oblivious to it all” (Professor Tayama Reishi direct quote) (Kerr 2001:164/65). in Tomomitsu-Tomasson (2005), p 4. In my new home town of Yamaguchi I have written about how sad it is that less is done to maintain traditional urban architecture such as in Tatekouji Street, since it is this type of sight, that is the essence of a tourist attraction and destination. That Japanese are happy to visit Kyoto and Yamaguchi without demanding visual authenticity is again a result of their relative lack of interest in the visual dimension of tourist destinations. Finally, it just seems to me that the Japanese are not so interested in views. The fact that I continue to live in an more recently purchases house with excellent views, or that I have a panoramic view from the window where I now write drives this home. I feel considerable empathy with the words of the Blondie song, "All I want is a room with a view," and seek to live in places which command a view. In Japan, however it is said that "high places attract smoke and stupid people," and while the high places may be elevated social positions, I think that it may also apply to the more literal interpretation. Perhaps part of my preference for views is my stupid desire to look down on things and other people. Why do Japanese go to these symbolically significant named-places places, rather to interpret visual sites? It seems to me that the answer can be found in theories of the Western, and Japanese self. Here I should have a long introduction to (cross cultural psychology) Origins in Triandis' Hofestede' collectivism Markus and Kitayama turn around Heine rejection of the need for self regard Oyserman/Takano/Yamagishi attacks on collectivism Hong YY and more so, Nisbett/Masuda cognitive turn Kim and Non-Linguistic thought, and in her second paper on that topic on self expression, the non-linguistic self And then ask what, phenomenologically is the self in the West and Japan like? What is it like to have an independent self? What is felt to be self? What is felt to be not self? How can one have a "interdependent self" what does hat feel like? What phenomena are felt to be self in that situation? And then me (ha!) For the Westerner, the self is the self narrative. Tourists of the MacCannelian or Cullerian kind visit and play ethnographer or semiologist (MacCannell, 1976; Culler, 1988) regarding the sights that they see. The Western tourists provides the narrative because they are narrative and the sight is the otherness which they attempt to interpret. To these tourists the things that they see are signs but they are signs which have the structure of an alibi (Culler, 1988; Barthes,1972), signing off to a meaning which the tourist, in their phonetic inner narrative, provides. The Western tourists may take of photo of the sight, or better still purchase a photo upon the reverse of which she will narrate herself in this location. The Western tourist goes to see and say. Like ethnologists or anthropologists they use the phenomenological technique of bracketing away preconceptions (the more other unusual, opaque to the interpretations that they have to hand that a sight is the more that task is performed for them) and then they make pronouncement upon the sights that they see. This transcendental meditation employed by Western Anthropologists and Tourists alike, can be described in the following way, From this new transcendental standpoint Husserl maintained that the manifold stream of contingent world-objects could be perceived in a new way, giving 'a new kind of experience: transcendental experience'. The transcendental ego because a 'disinterested onlooker' whose only motive is neutrally to describe 'what he sees, purely as seen, as what is seen and seen in such and such a manner' (Rayment-Pickard, 2003) Japanese tourists on the other hand do not go to provide symbols about sights, but to provide sights or images regarding symbolic locations. The symbolic sites visited by Japanese tourists, the named places, the named things, do not have the structure of the alibi (see Hansen, 1993) but are the signs themselves. That Japanese tourists go to places with literary, historical, named significant, that they vistic symbolic geographies as been ascribed (as all things Japanese always are) to their "groupism," and also, in the face of Westernisation, to their nostalgic desire to return to their historical routes, to their self. This latter interpretation hits the mark I think because the Japanese self is a space (Kanjin; Hamaguchi, 1997) , a primordial space (Nishida 1993; Watsuji 1979; see Mochizuki, 2006) a mirror (Kurozumi). When the self is a space, then the concept of travel presents inherent difficulties. How can space travel? I argue that the Japanese tourists' interest in historical, literary, or otherwise famous named-places, and named-things is because it is not the place but the name that they are visiting. The Japanese travel to places precisely because they are "encrusted with renown,&quot (Culler); and are all the more happy if as at shrines, or ruins, their is nothing to see because it is in the space of their mind that they provide the images to go with the otherness of the symbols that they are visiting. Indeed in a sense they do see that holy of holies, the mirror of the sun goddess in the internal space that is the Japanese mind. Lacan argues that the self is at the presumed intersection of linguistic self signification -self narration, and visual self reflection, mirrorings and imagingings. Neither the symbolic nor the imaginary can say or see itself. The word can not enunciate the enunciated even in time since it is always delayed, defered (Derrida, 1998), never the person that it was what the attempt was started. Husserl's "living present" is always already gone. Likewise, the minds eye is unable to see itself. It requires the admixture of an other, the image of oneself, the name of oneself for each to enable the self to wrap around upon itself and self itself into self hood. This admixture is to be kept to a minimum. The self image in the West is external, when identified a sign of vanity or 'narcissism'. The word or symbol in Japan is external, and when internalised an impurity of mind (See Kim, 2002). In either case, these essential impurities or 'supplements,' which are both required to complete and are additional to self(Derrida, 1998) are washed away in the experience of tourism when the Western and Japanese tourist meets the other as image or symbol respectively. The transcendental meditation for the Japanese tourist, at the British Museum, at the Named Place ruin of a famous castle, at the walls of Ise Shrine, becomes a interested visualiser of the place hidden in time, behind those walls. Souzou ga fukuramu. Images spring to mind. And even as the "Kankou" they shut their eyes to the world (Hitomi wo Tojiru) and call to mind the glory of the place they are visiting and in that experience, see themselves as the visual space, place or soul, that they believe themselves to be. If either the Western tourist leaves something of himself it narratival. He signs a guest book. He narrates himself on a postcard (postcards are not sold for writing upon in Japan but only as packs, as symbolic souvenirs). The Japanese tourist on the other hand provides the images, not just in her own mind, but also in the form of auto-photography so central to the tourism experience in Japan. These differences have important implications for the tourist industries catering to Western and Japanese tourists. When serving Japanese tourists it is important to provide the names, the narrative the guidebooks (which Japanese tourists themselves prepare in relative abundance), the words. They must also be provided the opportunity to provide images: above all to to imagine, and also to photograph themselves. Tourist destinations that do not have words related to them (iware no nai) are not of interest. Japanese tourist travel all the way to the lake district in the North of England, ignoring the beauty of the Powys hills completely, because the former have no literature - no words associated with them. They avoid the markets of London concentrating on the British museum and tower since the latter are redolent with renown. Japanese tourism providers need to counter the ocular turn of contemporary tourism theory and as the Japanese policy paper at the start of the ”tourism-oriented country" advocates a return to the original meaning of Kankou, or rather the provision of Kankou, which is not merely in the gaze directed, but in the of indication of facts, of nominal, symbolic entities. "When promoting tourism it is therefore essential to return to this [etymological] origin of tourism, and create revolution in the very notion of tourism. The origin of tourism is not just looking at famous places and scenery, or seeing the sights, in regard to the the things that the local population feel happy about, to the things that the inhabitants of a certain land feel proud of and "indicating these highlights." (note 1) Those especially in Japan however, who are catering to Western tourists should be aware that a place does not need to have a name for the Western tourist to want to visit it. In fact it helps if (other than the "markers" to find it) the destination is un-named "authentic" since the Western visitor provides the words. He is the words that he provides. These ethnographic, phenomenological tourists want to narrate, pronounce, theorise (what I am now doing) about the things that they see and in so doing they (I make myself shiver) have a transcendental experience of who they are, the words that drift across the universe of 'exterior' visual phenomena. Give us a view, any view, something to speak about, a picture and postcard, a picture postcard, above all give us something to see and some means by which they can narrate and we will be happy. There are such opportunities in every Japanese village not only the famous ones. Western tourist go to see spaces and places, and there is (or should be) much more for them to see. Alas at present, or until recently, the Japanese presume that their visitors are also Japanese and "indicate the highlights" (Kankou) or show the Named-places only. Very recently, there is a trend to promote regional tourism resources which do not have a name, this geographical tourism (shock!) had to be given a neologism "jitabi," since the very concept of simply going to see a place was alien to the Japanese. Finally the above theoretical position resolves the problem how tourists can be going in search of authenticity (MacCannell, 1986) even in blatantly inauthentic "post tourism" (Urry, 2002) sites: on tour we bring ourselves to confront the other of the self, we find our self in maximal authenticity. Bibliography created using Zotero Bachnik, J. M., & Quinn, C. J. (Eds.). (1994). Situated Meaning: Inside and Outside in Japanese Self, Society, and Language. Princeton University Press. Barthes, R. (1972). Mythologies. (A. Lavers, Trans.). Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Culler, J. D. (1988). Framing the sign. Univ. of Oklahoma Pr. Derrida, J. (1998). Of grammatology. JHU Press. Rayment-Pickard, H. (2003). Impossible God: Derrida’s theology. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. Graburn, N. H. H. (1983). To pray, pay and play: the cultural structure of Japanese domestic tourism. Université de droit, d’économie et des sciences, Centre des hautes études touristiques. Guichard-Anguis, S. (2009). The Culture of Travel (tabi no bunka) and Japanese Tourism. In A. Guichard-Anguis, O. Moon, & M. R. del Alisal (Eds.), Japanese Tourism and Travel Culture (1st ed., pp. 1–18). Routledge. Kerr, A. (2002). Dogs and Demons: Tales from the Dark Side of Japan. Hill and Wang. Hamaguchi, E. 恵俊浜口. (1982). 間人主義の社会日本(The Japanese Society of Spatial-Personism my trans). 東洋経済新報社. Hansen, C. (1993). Chinese Ideographs and Western Ideas. The Journal of Asian Studies, 52(02), 373–399. doi:10.2307/2059652 Hendry, J. (1995). Wrapping Culture: Politeness, Presentation, and Power in Japan and Other Societies. Oxford University Press, USA. Hudson, M. (1999). Ruins of identity: ethnogenesis in the Japanese Islands. University of Hawaii Press. Kim, H. (2002). We talk, therefore we think? A cultural analysis of the effect of talking on thinking. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. MacCannell, D. (1976). The tourist: A new theory of the leisure class. Univ of California Pr. Mach, E. (1897). Contributions to the Analysis of the Sensations. (C. M. Williams, Trans.). The Open court publishing company. Retrieved from www.archive.org/details/contributionsto00machgoog Ministry of Land Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism. (2003) "Creating a Country which is Good to Live in and Good to Visit." www.kantei.go.jp/jp/singi/kanko/kettei/030424/houkoku.html#I Mochizuki, T. (2006). Climate and Ethics: Ethical Implications of Watsuji Tetsuro’s Concepts:‘ Climate’ and‘ Climaticity’. Philosophia Osaka, 1, 43–55. Retrieved from ir.library.osaka-u.ac.jp/metadb/up/LIBPHILOO/po_01_043.pdf Nakashima, Y. 中島義道. (1997). 「対話」のない社会―思いやりと優しさが圧殺するもの (A Society without Dialogue; Things Suppressed by Sensitivity and Kindness. My Trans). PHP研究所. Nishida, K. (1993). Last Writings: Nothingness and the Religious Worldview. University of Hawaii Press. Tanikawa, M. (2009, April 7). In Kyoto, a Call to Not Trample the Geisha. The New York Times. Retrieved from www.nytimes.com/2009/04/07/world/asia/07iht-geisha.html Parmeggiani, P., Burns, P. M., Lester, J. M., Bibbings, L., & others. (2010). Integrating multiple research methods: a visual sociology approach to Venice. Tourism and visual culture, Volume 2: Methods and cases, 94–110. Pilgrim, R. B. (1986). Intervals (‘ Ma’) in Space and Time: Foundations for a Religio-Aesthetic Paradigm in Japan. History of Religions, 25(3), 255–277. Plutschow, H. (1981). Four Japanese Travel Diaries of the Middle Ages. Cornell Univ East Asia Program. Reader, I. (2005). Making pilgrimages: Meaning and practice in Shikoku. University of Hawaii Press. Suda, K. 寛須田. (2005). 産業観光読本. 交通新聞社. Turner, V., & Turner, E. (1995). Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture (0 ed.). Columbia University Press. Urry, J. (2002). The Tourist Gaze. SAGE. Tomomitsu-Tomasson, J. (2005). Furusato and Theme Parks: Cultural Authenticity and Domestic Tourism. Furusato and Theme Parks: Cultural Authenticity and Domestic Tourism. Unpublished essay submitted for coursework: The Tourist Gaze, Department of Sociology, Lancaster University. Retrieved April 15, 2012, from www.lancs.ac.uk/postgrad/tomomits/authenticity.pdf Watsuji, T. 和辻哲郎. (1979). 風土―人間学的考察 (Climate: Human Observation. My Trans.). 岩波書店. Wells, E. J. (2011). Making ‘Sense’ of the Pilgrimage Experience of the Medieval Church. Peregrinations Journal, III(2), 122–146. Retrieved from peregrinations.kenyon.edu/vol3_2/raw_materials/Wells/Pere... Wittgenstein, L. (1973). Philosophical Investigations (3rd ed.). Prentice Hall. note o 「易経」の「観国之光利用賓于王」（「国の光を観しめす（みるとも読む）、もって王の賓たるに用いるによろし」と読む）、すなわち「国」とは、当時の中国の状況からみてひとつの地域を表し「光」とは、地域のすぐれたものないし特色を意味するとされる。 The [relevant passage] of the Tao Te Ching reads "*Indicating* [Shimesu, Kanagmiru] the lights of the country are good to use as hospitality for a king". where country mean the localities of contemporary China, and "lights" [highlights] refer to the superior or special things of that locality. (my translation, my emphasis, and my comments in brackets). note 1 観光立国の推進に当たっては、まずはこうした「観光の原点」に立ち返ること、つまり「観光」概念の革新が必要になる。観光の原点は、ただ単に名所や風景などの「光を見る」ことだけではなく、一つの地域に住む人々がその地に住むことに誇りをもつことができ、幸せを感じられることによって、その地域が「光を示す」ことにある。 「国の光を観る」 −観光の原点− note 2 I think that the primordial space of the Japanese self (Nishida's ba), or the "climate" (Wasuji's fudo) can best be understood from a Western perspective as the "Field of Vision" (Mach, 1897). The visual field pictured in Mach's self portrait is usually seen, if existing at all, as being a form of barrier ("veil" "tain" or "hymen") between self and the world. To the Japanese this field, this primordial space, however, is the pure experience of self (Nishida, Zen no kenkyuu), as self-inseparable-from-spatial-other. This Japanese self is however separate from the world of symbols but, Japanese need the admixture of symbol, the name, their own name, for the Japanese child to believe that the their body houses this ephemeral mirror. In Japan it is precisely the linguistic which is public (Nakashima, 1997) and space, place and vision which as private as it gets. Taking a balanced view, neither images nor language are more private than the other, both requiring an other to have meaning, but it took Westerners almost two millenia to realise that language is meaningless if private (Wittgenstein, 1973). 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The storekeeper were beginning to make the skin of the chaozu after the guest orders the chaozu. カウンターしかない小さな一口餃子専門店を発見！ おせじにも綺麗な店とは言えなかったけれど、ヒョイヒョイヒョイと包んでいく大将の餃子を作る手さばきはピカイチで、その職人技は脱帽ものでした。 Recent Updated: 7 years ago - Created by anzyAprico - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - anzyAprico 一口餃子 Tags: 2005august0810   nagasaki   travelingnagasaki   food   chaozu   gyoza   2005    ＠長崎　宝雲亭（長崎浜口支店） Recent Updated: 7 years ago - Created by anzyAprico - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - anzyAprico a lost article Tags: road   texture   fv10    Hamaguchi, Osaka (浜口) Recent Updated: 8 years ago - Created by maggot - View Copyright and permission to use should be sought to the author - maggot